So last night, as the internet explosion over Justine Sacco was petering out, I got a series of tweets from Meghan Murphy.
Ironically, in light of what follows, I can’t quote them since she’s (I assume unrelatedly) locked her account, but the gist went something like this:
I was a hypocrite, she suggested — that word I remember clearly — because the previous night I had demanded that she strike several quotes from a controversial blogpost she’d written earlier in the week while saying nothing about others’ unethical use of quotes from her.
Here’s the piece in question, if you missed it. In it, Murphy had argued that “Twitter is a horrible place for feminism … a place where intellectual laziness is encouraged, oversimplification is mandatory, posturing is de rigueur, and bullying is rewarded … a place hateful people are drawn towards to gleefully spread their hate, mostly without repercussion.”
Further down in the piece, Murphy had quoted from an essay by Ngọc Loan Trần in which Trần had articulated “calling in” as an alternative to calling people out for their bad behavior. Calling out, Murphy suggested, was an “unproductive and a fear-based response.”
Trần’s original piece, though, had offered “calling in” as an alternative to calling out only in situations in which the two parties’ “common ground is strong enough to carry us through how we have enacted violence on each other.” In a disclaimer at the end, Trần reiterated that the essay was “specifically about us calling in people who we want to be in community with, people who we have reason to trust or with whom we have common ground,” not about how we interact with random strangers on the internet.
When Trần learned that they’d been quoted by Murphy, they took to Twitter to ask that she pull the quote, saying that their writing had been “misused to justify something I disagree with.” “I’m a writer,” Trần said. “I blog, I willingly publish my work. That doesn’t equal giving permission to people exploiting my work for their white supremacist agenda.” (I’ve expanded some contractions in these tweets.)
Having read both pieces, I agree that Murphy’s quotes misrepresented Trần’s argument. But the issue of “permission” raises important questions. The night before last I got into a discussion about those questions on Twitter with some journalists I know, a conversation that began with Irin Carmon of MSNBC tweeting to ask “Who can explain why things written in public spaces cannot be quoted, as they can in every field of writing I’ve ever encountered?”
The conversation that followed was huge and sprawling, and I won’t be able to do it justice here, but my own position is summed up pretty well by a few early tweets. “I think it’s fair,” I wrote in the first, “to complain when someone who positions themselves as being your ally dragoons you by quoting.”
That “someone who positions themselves as your ally” part is crucial, because (as I said in a followup tweet) I think in this case what was happening was someone saying “don’t use my intellectual labor to advance a cause I abhor.” Although Murphy presented herself as agreeing with Trần, Trần felt misrepresented, and — because those misrepresentations had to do with important and sensitive issues within the feminist community — harmed.
Did Murphy have the legal right to misrepresent Trần in this way? Yes. Would Murphy, if she had been writing as a journalist, have had an ethical obligation to take down the quotes because of Trần’s objections? No, not if she and her editors stood by her use of the material.
But Trần’s objection wasn’t grounded in law or journalistic practice. It was a personal request, and a political one.
Murphy’s piece was a call for more openness in internet feminism, more reaching out, more working together. Given that, the fact that one of the feminists quoted most prominently in the piece feels abused by Murphy’s use of their writing seems worth mentioning, and the fact that Murphy refused to correct or alter her piece after Trần’s objections were brought to her attention seems like something that can be legitimately said to reflect badly on her.
If you position yourself as someone’s political ally, as Murphy did with Trần, you have — as Trần argued in their piece — an obligation to treat that person with decency. The contours and limits of that obligation can be debated, of course, but there is a growing consensus in some provinces of the online left that a respect for that person’s wishes with regard to the use of the fruits of their intellectual labor is an element of it.
What does that respect entail? Crediting them for their work, for starters, even if that work is only the invention of a hashtag. Prominently crediting and linking to writing that inspired you. Bringing them along if the work you do that’s grounded in theirs results in opportunities for other writing or speaking gigs. And yes, checking in before quoting someone, or at least respecting their wishes if it turns out they’re not comfortable with how you’ve used their words.
This isn’t all about credit, though credit is obviously a part of it. A Twitter account that has a hundred followers and a website that gets a million hits a day may both be public spaces, in some sense, but they’re not the same kind of public space, and what someone shares in one arena may not be something they’re happy with seeing shared in the other.
Now, the lines here are fuzzy, and there’s room for reasonable people to disagree about where to draw them. I’m not, for instance, going to be sending a draft of this essay to anyone quoted in it before I post, though I will give them all a heads-up when it goes live. And again, comradeship is a crucial element of how these obligations are construed.
When Meghan Murphy called me a hypocrite on Twitter last night, she was wrong on the facts. I’d never demanded that she pull Trần’s quote. But she was right that I considered her quoting of Trần more problematic than the quotes of her that she’d objected to, and I think the distinction between the two helps to illuminate the concepts I’m grappling with here.
We’ve already discussed Murphy’s Trần quotes, so let’s move on to the Murphy quotes that bothered her:
Meghan Murphy has been accused, not always fairly, of being a close ally of discredited pseudo-feminist Hugo Schwyzer. I say “not always fairly” because Murphy and Schwyzer had strong disagreements on a variety of issues. But when Murphy said in her essay this week that she’d been “consistently, publicly critical of” Schwyzer, “his work, and his teaching, from the moment I was aware he existed,” that wasn’t quite accurate either — or at least it wasn’t the whole story.
Murphy may have been critical of Schwyzer all along, but she was also friendly with him for a time — even after others’ objections to him were widely circulated. In one quote from Facebook that’s been making the rounds, Murphy said she didn’t “see Hugo as a misogynist,” that although they disagreed on some issues she believed “he does genuinely want equality,” and that she thought “he is, in the end, a decent person.”
Murphy believes — if I’m remembering our exchange from last night correctly — that it’s unfair to circulate these quotes because they’re from a private Facebook conversation, they’re taken out of context, and they’re undated.
So does my quoting of Murphy here, in the context of what I’ve said above about her quoting of Trần, make me a hypocrite? Unsurprisingly, I don’t think so.
I’m not a lawyer, and I’m likely to mangle this analogy, but when I think about these two situations I keep coming back to the distinction between a friendly and a hostile witness. When you, as a lawyer, are questioning a “friendly witness” on the stand, you have an obligation to let them tell their story in their own way. With a hostile witness, however — a witness for the other side, or a witness for your side who has turned against you — you’re allowed to frame your questioning in such a way as to try to impeach their testimony or undermine their credibility.
So it is here, I think. Trần’s objection to Murphy’s piece isn’t that Murphy quoted Trần, but that Murphy selectively quoted Trần to make it appear that Trần agreed with a set of propositions Trần actually opposes. Trần may be right or wrong about that, but right or wrong it’s an objection that a friend would treat with more respect than Murphy has shown.
When Aura Bogado quoted Murphy’s past statements about Schwyzer, however, she was honest about her aim — she was trying to impeach Murphy’s position. When you’re arguing with someone, when you’re trying to refute their claims by dredging up contradictory things they’ve said in the past, you’re necessarily going to wind up quoting stuff they wish you wouldn’t, and it’s reasonable to give their objections less weight than you otherwise might.
Let me turn this discussion back on myself for one final example.
When I was debating journalistic ethics on Twitter the other night it was fairly late in the evening. I was in a relaxed mood, the conversation was moving very quickly, and I was tweeting in haste. I stand by the substance of everything I said, but there were a few grammatical infelicities and some language that was rather earthier than is my standard practice in public speech.
So let’s say that someone wrote a blogpost about that conversation, and quoted me in a way I found a bit embarrassing. As a matter of journalistic ethics, I’d have no grounds for complaint. I said that stuff, I said it in public, and it’s anyone’s right to quote it if they please. If Meghan Murphy wants to put those tweets on her blog, there’s nothing I can do about it, and not much chance I’d try.
But let’s say it wasn’t Meghan Murphy who wrote the piece. Let’s say it was someone who presented themselves as my friend and ally. In that case I might well drop them a line asking if they wouldn’t mind paraphrasing instead of quoting, or inserting a strategic ellipsis or two. And if they didn’t comply, and I got the impression that their intent in not complying was to embarrass me, I might well conclude that they weren’t much of a friend or ally after all.
It’s not likely that I’d make a huge case out of such a disagreement, for a bunch of reasons, but I’d likely remember it. And if something like that happened in a situation in which the stakes were higher, I might well take my complaint public. I might even publicly request that they take a quote down. I’ve never done it, but I can see doing it, and I stand behind the reasons why I might.
• • •
I said during the conversation the other night that I found the moral fluidity surrounding these issues exciting, and several of the folks I was talking to responded that they didn’t find it exciting at all — just the opposite.
I definitely get where they’re coming from, and I think the fact that I’ve only rarely been a target of this kind of ire shapes my emotional response. But at the same time, I think what we’re seeing here is an articulation of a new — and increasingly coherent — set of moral principles. They’re not arbitrary, they’re not incomprehensible, and they’ve got real merit.
Note | In the last two paragraphs above, I originally used the word “ethical” where I meant “moral.” I’ve fixed it.
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December 21, 2013 at 5:52 pm
Kevin T. Keith (@KTKeith)
This is a fraught topic (as the Twitter exchange the other day demonstrated), and you’ve raised a lot of good points.
I would offer this observation: your discussion above is not really one of the ethics of quoting, but rather of the practicalities – and possibly the ethics – of interacting with compatriots in a movement.
Paraphrasing what I think you are saying: when you quote your friends or allies, you ought to be careful not to embarrass them, because they are your friends and because how you treat them and their words has consequences for your shared activism; when you quote enemies, you are actively seeking to embarrass them and harm their movement, so you have no reason to accede to requests for retraction or rewording.
That all makes sense, but it can’t be a matter of ethics. Ethics applies to our enemies as well as to our friends. You are entitled, in some circumstances and within some limits, to harm your enemies (cf. “the law of war”), and it is always good to do good to your friends, but there are not different standards or limits toward each *as a matter of ethics*. There are things you cannot do to your enemies even if you want to (for instance, quoting a damning statement would be allowed, but falsely making one up would not). Also, there are things you cannot do for friends even if you do want to (not quoting embarrassing passages might be OK, but rewriting them to give them a better meaning would be a lie – and selectively quoting only good passages to make it seem they believed something other than they actually did would also be a lie). Ethics provides general and universal guides as to what is required or prohibited; choosing what to do *within those guidelines* is just tactics.
In other words, all this discussion of what you should to do support your allies, and what you are allowed to do with regard to your enemies, takes place *inside* an overarching ethical framework that is neutral toward both. There must be some general rules about quoting that describe when and how it’s allowed. Given that, the *tactical* question of how accommodating you are to the person being quoted may lead you to different answers vis a’ vis friends and enemies, but in both cases must conform to the overarching ethic. You may choose to be more accommodating, *within the bounds of the ethical guidelines*, to your friends because you are actively seeking to aide them, and the opposite regarding your enemies, but the bounds are the same for both.
And, in that light, I think that fundamental ethic is going to be something like the traditional standard of “if they said it, you can quote it”. That is the only one that allows us to take account – supportively or critically – of what people said. Remember that the rules are the same for all. If there is a rule that “you can’t quote me unless I say so,” then you can’t quote the stupid or embarrassing things your enemies say. They could deny they said them and *you wouldn’t be allowed* to give the evidence, or even to prove their denial was a lie. (Again: that you *want* to quote them is tactics; that you *can or cannot* do so is ethics, and those rules are the same for all.) To have any kind of discourse that relies on the historical record as a ground of truth, you have to be able to cite that record.
Also, the free-quotation rule, I think, is an offshoot of the general right of free speech – to observe the world and speak your mind on it. If someone does or says something in a place in which you’re entitled to observe it, you have to be entitled to say that you observed (i.e., quote the speech). (If otherwise, then why stop with speech? If I see somebody commit murder, do I have to get their permission to report their actions – or only to report their words?)
You’re certainly right that we should consider how our quoting others affects them and the goals we share – and it’s the basic act of a friend and ally to do so supportively. It’s obvious you would have a different intention toward enemies, and – within limits – that is also justifiable. But those themselves are guidelines to activism – they are not ethical rules.
December 22, 2013 at 9:05 am
Weekend Reading | Backslash Scott Thoughts
[…] On Meghan Murphy, Internet Ethics, and the Morality of Quoting. […]
December 22, 2013 at 1:40 pm
Angus Johnston
Thanks for your thoughts, Kevin. Some of my own…
First, I thought I’d been conscientious about using the word “ethics” only in the context of the phrase “journalistic ethics,” to distinguish it from the more context-sensitive moral issues I was discussing, but I see that I lapsed into more-colloquial/less-appropriate language in my postscript. I’ll go back and fix that, and to be clear, I didn’t intend to describe the kinds of judgments I was describing movement folks as making as specifically ethical judgments.
So if they’re not ethical judgments, are they just — as you suggest — a matter of saying that we should be nice to our friends and mean to our enemies? No, I don’t think they are.
What I’m getting at, or trying to, is the question of what it means to be a jerk. To be a jerk isn’t the same as to be unethical — a person can behave ethically and be a jerk, and unethically and not be one. What it means to be a jerk is necessarily more subjective and more context-dependent than what it means to be unethical, but it’s not arbitrary, and it’s not, I don’t think, just a matter of being nice to one’s friends.
Let’s go back to the question of when we can write about things people have said in public. As a matter of law, the answer is “almost any time,” and as a matter of journalistic ethics, the answer is similar. But as a matter of not-being-a-jerk, even outside of the movement morality context, the answer is very different.
If I overhear someone describing their spouse’s upcoming surprise birthday party from the next booth in a bar, and then I spill the beans when the spouse walks in ten minutes later, I’m a jerk. If I hear someone talking critically on the phone about their upcoming date’s personality, and then I share what I heard to the date then they arrive, I’m a jerk.
Some things we say are private, even when we say them in public. We all understand this in the context of spoken communication — we don’t butt into others’ conversations in restaurants, we don’t share things we accidentally overhear at social gatherings. Private is private.
(Even here, though, the boundaries are fuzzy. If the person I’m listening in on at the bar is a member of Congress, I probably have a bit more leeway than if their a private citizen, even if the stuff I’m overhearing isn’t strictly a matter of public concern. If I’m a journalist, I probably have more leeway still.)
But something interesting happens when the private-in-public conversation moves from a bar to a blog. Because we’re used to all publicly-accessible written speech being intended for a broad, indiscriminate audience, we tend to act as if it can never be private in the sense that a conversation on the subway is.
And what we’re seeing here with these debates about quoting is, I think, at least in part, a pushback against that framing. This comment is already really long, so I’ll leave it at that for now.
December 22, 2013 at 2:19 pm
daiyami
I don’t think we think “private is private” when we overhear a conversation. Who doesn’t retell funny stories about the strange chat from the people at the next table over? And I WILL butt into other people’s conversation (usually if they are asking a logistical question I can answer, eg “how do I get to X”), and people occasionally do it to me. You can see people trying not to chuckle at conversations in a metro car.
Rather, I think the line is discoverability. In your examples, breaking privacy doesn’t make you a jerk, but exposing the information to someone who wouldn’t have known it otherwise does. And something published on the internet is eminently discoverable. Boosting signal is very different from making it possible for that information to become known.
Remember the guy who tweeted the breakup on the roof? No one would have dinged him for retelling that story as a joke, but he got called a jerk for converting it into something discoverable.
December 29, 2013 at 10:48 am
Sunday links, 12/29/13 | Tutus And Tiny Hats
[…] guide, will be available in June. -Justine Sacco’s aftermath: the cost of Twitter outrage. -Some thoughts on Meghan Murphy, internet ethics, and the morality of quoting. -If you can, contribute to the legal defense fund for Marisa Alexander. -Who we talk about when we […]